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Martin Luther King em 28 de Agosto de 1963 «I have a dream»


Ver e Ouvir I Have a Dream, discurso pronunciado no dia 28 de Agosto de 1963 na escadaria do "Lincoln Memorial", há 50 anos:


Publicado neste blog:

  • Martin Luther King                                                           

adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge


O Martin Luther King que a televisão não nos mostra (2)


- Financial hypocrisy of racist America

«(...) "If you respect my dollar, you must respect my person." It simply says that we will no longer spend our money where we can not get substantial jobs. [applause]»

- American sin, and Black Love

«I am a man with dignity and honor. (Go ahead) I have a rich and noble history, however painful and exploited that history has been. Yes, I was a slave through my foreparents (That’s right), and now I’m not ashamed of that. I'm ashamed of the people who were so sinful to make me a slave. (Yes sir) Yes [applause], yes, we must stand up and say, "I'm black (Yes sir), but I'm black and beautiful." (Yes) This [applause], this self-affirmation is the black man's need, made compelling (All right) by the white man's crimes against him. (Yes)»

In Where Do We Go From Here

- Negroes prevented from reaping fruits of their hard labor

«This man was a fool because he said "I" and "my" so much until he lost the capacity to say "we" and "our." (Yes) He failed to realize that he couldn’t do anything by himself. This man talked like he could build the barns by himself, like he could till the soil by himself. And he failed to realize that wealth is always a result of the commonwealth. (...)

And oh my friends, I don’t want you to forget it. No matter where you are today, somebody helped you to get there. (Yes) (...)

In a larger sense we’ve got to see this in our world today. Our white brothers must see this; they haven’t seen it up to now. The great problem facing our nation today in the area of race is that it is the black man who to a large extent produced the wealth of this nation. (All right) And the nation doesn’t have sense enough to share its wealth and its power with the very people who made it so. (All right) And I know what I’m talking about this morning. (Yes, sir) The black man made America wealthy. (Yes, sir)

(...) that’s why I tell you right now, I’m not going anywhere. They can talk, these groups, some people talking about a separate state, or go back to Africa. I love Africa, it’s our ancestral home. But I don’t know about you. My grandfather and my great-grandfather did too much to build this nation for me to be talking about getting away from it. [applause] Before the Pilgrim fathers landed at Plymouth in 1620, we were here. (Oh yeah) Before Jefferson etched across the pages of history the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence, we were here. (All right) Before the beautiful words of the "Star Spangled Banner" were written, we were here. (Yeah) For more than two centuries, our forebearers labored here without wages. They made cotton king. With their hands and with their backs and with their labor, they built the sturdy docks, the stout factories, the impressive mansions of the South. (My Lord)

Now this nation is telling us that we can’t build. Negroes are excluded almost absolutely from the building trades. It’s lily white. Why? Because these jobs pay six, seven, eight, nine and ten dollars an hour, and they don’t want Negroes to have it. [applause] And I feel that if something doesn’t happen soon, and something massive, the same indictment will come to America—"Thou fool!"»  

In Why Jesus Called A Man A Fool Sermon delivered at Mount Pisgah Missionary Baptist Church, Chicago, Illinois, on 27 August 1967.


- American arrogance

«(...) because nations are caught up with the drum major instinct. "I must be first." "I must be supreme." "Our nation must rule the world." (Preach it) And I am sad to say that the nation in which we live is the supreme culprit. And I'm going to continue to say it to America, because I love this country too much to see the drift that it has taken.

God didn't call America to do what she's doing in the world now. (Preach it, preach it) God didn't call America to engage in a senseless, unjust war as the war in Vietnam. And we are criminals in that war. We’ve committed more war crimes almost than any nation in the world, and I'm going to continue to say it. And we won't stop it because of our pride and our arrogance as a nation.

But God has a way of even putting nations in their place. (Amen) The God that I worship has a way of saying, "Don't play with me." (Yes) He has a way of saying, as the God of the Old Testament used to say to the Hebrews, "Don’t play with me, Israel. Don't play with me, Babylon. (Yes) Be still and know that I'm God. And if you don't stop your reckless course, I'll rise up and break the backbone of your power." (Yes) And that can happen to America. (Yes) Every now and then I go back and read Gibbons' Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. And when I come and look at America, I say to myself, the parallels are frightening».

In Martin Luther King, Jr.,The Drum Major Instinct, 4 February 1968 Transcript of speech in A Knock at Midnight


- White America's disease of racism

«I must say this morning that racial injustice is still the black man’s burden and the white man’s shame.

It is an unhappy truth that racism is a way of life for the vast majority of white Americans, spoken and unspoken, acknowledged and denied, subtle and sometimes not so subtle—the disease of racism permeates and poisons a whole body politic».

- Reparations

«(...) at the same time the nation failed to do anything for the black man, though an act of Congress was giving away millions of acres of land in the West and the Midwest. Which meant that it was willing to undergird its white peasants from Europe with an economic floor.

But not only did it give the land, it built land-grant colleges to teach them how to farm. Not only that, it provided county agents to further their expertise in farming; not only that, as the years unfolded it provided low interest rates so that they could mechanize their farms. And to this day thousands of these very persons are receiving millions of dollars in federal subsidies every years not to farm. And these are so often the very people who tell Negroes that they must lift themselves by their own bootstraps».

«Now, when we come to Washington in this campaign, we are coming to get our check».

In Remaining Awake Through a Great Revolution Sermon delivered at the National Cathedral, Washington, D.C., on 31 March 1968. Congressional Record, 9 April 1968.

Publicado neste blog:

adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge


Quem advoga «a encarceração preventiva e a detenção prolongada»?

Josetxo Ezcurra


Obama: «Construiremos um regime legal apropriado».

Bush: «Bravo, amigo! Já estás a apanhar o truque!»


Pois é, esta posição não é apenas defendida na caricatura de Josetxo Ezcurra. É a «evolução na continuidade» do prémio Nobel da Paz de 2009, Barack Obama. «Evolução» nas palavras, «continuidade» nos actos. Não acredita? Leia o discurso de Obama sobre segurança nacional nos Arquivos Nacionais em 21 de Maio:

1. Limpar a porcaria deixada pela anterior administração...

Unfortunately, faced with an uncertain threat, our government made a series of hasty decisions.

That's why we are doing away with the poorly planned, haphazard approach that let those detainees go in the past.

Instead of strategically applying our power and our principles, too often we set those principles aside as luxuries that we could no longer afford.

But I also believe that all too often our government made decisions based on fear rather than foresight;

For reasons that I will explain, the decisions that were made over the last eight years established an ad hoc legal approach for fighting terrorism that was neither effective nor sustainable — a framework that failed to rely on our legal traditions and time-tested institutions, and that failed to use our values as a compass. 

2. Prender pessoas que não cometeram crimes...

But even when this process is complete, there may be a number of people who cannot be prosecuted for past crimes, in some cases because evidence may be tainted, but who nonetheless pose a threat to the security of the United States

3. Prender pessoas preventivamente...

Al-Qaida terrorists and their affiliates are at war with the United States, and those that we capture — like other prisoners of war — must be prevented from attacking us again.

4. E tudo dentro das regras da lei...

But we must do so with an abiding confidence in the rule of law and due process;

Instead of building a durable framework for the struggle against al-Qaida that drew upon our deeply held values and traditions, our government was defending positions that undermined the rule of law.

That's why my administration has begun to reshape the standards that apply to ensure that they are in line with the rule of law

5. Construir um regime legal para justificar todas estas ilegalidades...

That's why my administration has begun to reshape the standards that apply to ensure that they are in line with the rule of law. We must have clear, defensible, and lawful standards for those who fall into this category.

We must have a thorough process of periodic review, so that any prolonged detention is carefully evaluated and justified.

But I want to be very clear that our goal is to construct a legitimate legal framework for the remaining Guantanamo detainees that cannot be transferred. Our goal is not to avoid a legitimate legal framework. In our constitutional system, prolonged detention should not be the decision of any one man. If and when we determine that the United States must hold individuals to keep them from carrying out an act of war, we will do so within a system that involves judicial and congressional oversight. And so, going forward, my administration will work with Congress to develop an appropriate legal regime so that our efforts are consistent with our values and our Constitution.

6. E as frases seguintes fazem lembrar o ex-presidente Bush...

Right now, in distant training camps and in crowded cities, there are people plotting to take American lives. That will be the case a year from now, five years from now, and — in all probability — 10 years from now.


adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge


O Nobel de Obama e o Afeganistão, por Borges

Juliana Dias Borges  in  Pele da Terra

adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge


Quem disse «esta é uma guerra que temos de ganhar»?

Allan Mcdonald , Rebelión de 12 de Outubro


A frase do título - «this is a war that we have to win» - foi dita pelo prémio Nobel da Paz de 2009, Barack Obama.

Para Ler, Ver e Ouvir:

adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge


Prémio igNobel da Paz atribuido a Obama

O Prémio igNobel da Paz acaba de se atribuido ao presidente do «maior fautor de violência no mundo».

Veja neste blogue as razões do Comité igNobel para a atribuição do prémio a Obama (clique em Obama claro!).

adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge




O Martin Luther King que a televisão não nos mostra (1)




- Silence during moral crisis

«Now, I've chosen to preach about the war in Vietnam because I agree with Dante, that the hottest places in hell are reserved for those who in a period of moral crisis maintain their neutrality. There comes a time when silence becomes betrayal».

- Government tactics against dissent

«(...) there are those who are seeking to equate dissent with disloyalty. It's a dark day in our nation when high-level authorities will seek to use every method to silence dissent. But something is happening, and people are not going to be silenced. The truth must be told, (...)».

- Blacks killing Vietnamese for liberties they themselves don't have

«We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in Southwest Georgia and East Harlem. So we have been repeatedly faced with a cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same school room. So we watch them in brutal solidarity, burning the huts of a poor village. But we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago or Atlanta. (...)

As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. (...) for they ask and write me, "So what about Vietnam?" They ask if our nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems (...) and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without first having spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today: my own government».

- The hypocrisy of the Press

«America and most of its newspapers applauded me in Montgomery. And I stood before thousands of Negroes getting ready to riot when my home was bombed and said, we can't do it this way. They applauded us in the sit-in movement -- we non-violently decided to sit in at lunch counters. The applauded us on the Freedom Rides when we accepted blows without retaliation. (...) Oh, the press was so noble in its applause, and so noble in its praise when I was saying, "Be non-violent toward Bull Connor" (...). There's something strangely inconsistent about a nation and a press that will praise you when you say, "Be non-violent toward Jim Clark", but will curse and damn you when you say, "Be non-violent toward little brown Vietnamese children". There's something wrong with that press!»

- U.S. support of Hitler sympathiser

«And who are we supporting in Vietnam today? It's a man by the name of general Ky [Air Vice Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky] who fought with the French against his own people, and who said on one occasion that the greatest hero of his life is Hitler. This is who we are supporting in Vietnam today. Oh, our government and the press generally won't tell us these things, but God told me to tell you this morning. The truth must be told».

- Poor Americans, and Vietnamese soldiers

«And you may not know it, my friends, but it is estimated that we spend $500,000 to kill each enemy soldier, while we spend only fifty-three dollars for each person classified as poor, and much of that fifty-three dollars goes for salaries to people that are not poor».

- Spiritual death of America

«A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death».

- American arrogance

«And don't let anybody make you think that God chose America as his divine, messianic force to be a sort of policeman of the whole world. God has a way of standing before the nations with judgment, and it seems that I can hear God saying to America, "You're too arrogant! And if you don't change your ways, I will rise up and break the backbone of your power, and I'll place it in the hands of a nation that doesn't even know my name. Be still and know that I'm God."»

In Martin Luther King, "Why I Am Opposed to the War in Vietnam", April 30, 1967, Riverside Church, New York


«I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without first having spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today: my own government».



adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge


O assassinato de Martin Luther King: dois documentários

1. Um documentário de Thomas Giefer, «Morte em Memphis: O misterioso assassinato de Martin Luther King»

Para Ler:


2. The Assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. Um documentário de Denis Mueller


adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge


Para que não se perca o legado de Martin Luther King

«Too often, we are treated to a view of a romanticized and whitewashed Dr. King in order to fit the man and his struggle neatly within the prevailing political and economic power structures in a largely uncritical and non-threatening manner. This portrayal of Dr. King has been mass marketed as an accommodationist figure and is now so pervasive in our schools, media, etc. that it threatens to neutralize and placate the most ambitious, daring and challenging of King's critique along with his struggle to confront and organize against not only racism, but economic exploitation and militarism-imperialism as well.» 

«The link in the public discourse between the careers of Barack Obama and much our black political elite is a marraige of convenience, with all the convenience on one side.  Forty years in his grave, Dr. King's words and legacy call into question those who have modified his story, deleted his opposition to war, to empire and militarism, and counseled patience with injustice in his name.  Dr. King and the movement he led were always impatient with injustice, and never shrank from bold and even impolite opposition to economic injustice at home or war in our names abroad.» 


adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge


Notícias AQUI          


Obama, Luther King e a guerra

      "This is a war that we have to win," Obama said in remarks prepared for delivery at the International Trade Center in Washington.

[Referindo-se à guerra no Afeganistão]

In Obama: We Have To Win Afghanistan War                                                            

«Sometimes we have to send our young men and women into war and other dangerous situations to protect our country-but when we do, I want to make sure that it is only for a very good reason, that we try our best to settle our differences with others peacefully, and that we do everything possible to keep our servicemen and women safe. And I want every child to understand that the blessings these brave Americans fight for are not free-that with the great privilege of being a citizen of this nation comes great responsibility.»

In Barack Obama's letter to his daughters                                                                 

«In the course of our history, only a handful of generations have been asked to confront challenges as serious as the ones we face right now. Our nation is at war. Our economy is in crisis. Millions of Americans are losing their jobs and their homes; they're worried about how they'll afford college for their kids or pay the stack of bills on their kitchen table. And most of all, they are anxious and uncertain about the future - about whether this generation of Americans will be able to pass on what's best about this country to our children and their children

In Barack Obama's Lincoln Memorial speech

    [Martin Luther King referindo-se à guerra no Vietnam]  

Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war.

(…) and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government.


What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe?


(...) we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now.

"This way of settling differences is not just."

A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.

Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now.


I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

In Martin Luther King, Jr. Papers Project Speeches: "Beyond Vietnam"


adaptado de um e-mail enviado pelo Jorge                                                          


Notícias AQUI


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